Informasi terbaru Bujangga Manik's Journeys 2
By J. Noorduyn

From Blambangan Westwards along the South Coast
Taking the route along the south coast of Java for his return journey, Bujangga Manik passed Padangalun (1. 1028), a name which is strongly reminiscent of Tawangalun (cf. Jav. padang "light, open", and tawang "open, not overshadowed"), the name or title of a 17th-century prince of Blambangan. Then he "reached Mt. Watangan, which faces the island (nusa) of Barong" (11. 1029-1030), that is, the coastal mountain range Watangan, east of Pugër, and the small, uninhabited island Nusa Barung off this coast. From there he came to Sarampon (1. 1032), which is not on our maps, but which occurs in the Nagarakrtagama (22:4b) as the village of Sarampwan, where Hayam Wuruk disported himself while spending a few days in Sadeng, near present-day Pugër, on his eastern progress of 1359. Next Bujangga Manik passed the village of Cakru (1. 1033), which still exists today on the coast to the south of Lumajang, and came to the lurah of Kënëp (unidentified) and to (the region of?) Lamajang Kidul (11. 1036-1037).

Religious Settlements
Whereas as a rule no particulars are given of the places visited by Bujangga Manik on his journeys other than their names, in a few cases we are told something more than that. It is not surprising that the places concerned turn out to be religious settlements. We may surmise that their religious nature was the main reason why Bujangga Manik, as a man of religion, visited them. Near (probably south of) Mt. Raung he came to Baru, which was a lurah kategan (11. 1025-1026), or district of monasteries, i.e., of settlements of recluses {tega from Skt. tyagd); to Dingding, which was a hulu dewaguru (11. 822-823), the seat of an abbot of a monastery, near Mt. Brahma (now: Bromo); and to Janawi, which was a lurah dewaguru (11. 1103-1104), or abbot's district, near Mt. Marapi in central Java.

The exact location of these three places is unknown. However, the second occurs as Dingding in the Tantu Panggëlaran (TP in Pigeaud 1924), which contains legendary stories about the foundation of several religious settlements, called mandala, kategan or patapan (hermitage).

These were communities of monks, hermits and ascetics (wiku, tega, tapa, rësi), the mandalas having specially ordained abbots called dewaguru. Most of these religious persons, living in the interior and often near or on the slopes of a sacred mountain, were adherents of the third type of religion which was distinguished in ancient Java alongside that of the Sivaists and the Buddhists: that of the Rësis. This was also the religion which Bujangga Manik professed. No wonder that as a wandering ascetic he visited such communities as Dingding, which was a mandala (TP 71, 123) located not f ar from Mt. Mahameru (Pigeaud 1924:224).

Quite a few of the religious communities mentioned in the Tantu Panggëlaran according to this text were situated in the neighbourhood of this sacred Mt. Mahameru. This is in agreement with our text, as almost all of the places visited by Bujangga Manik in this region turn out to be mandalas, patapans or kategans, occurring as such in the Tantu and partially also in the Nagarakrtagama.

On his eastward journey he passed north of Mt. Mahameru, and, af ter reaching Mt. Brahma, visited the places (11. 816-823) Kadiran, Tandës, Ranobawa and Dingding, the second and third of which in the Tantu are the patapans Tandës (TP 72, 90, 122) and Ranubhawa (TP 70). On his journey back to the west he passed south of Mt. Mahameru and came successively to Pacira, Ranobawa, Kayu Taji, Kukub, Kasturi, Sagara Dalëm and Kagënëngan, then to arrive at Mt. Kawi (11. 1039- 1049).

Pacira was a kategan (TP 69,. 70) or katyagan (Nag. 78:7c), which in view of Bujangga Manik's route was probably located just east of Mt. Mahameru, perhaps not far from the temple of Candipura near Pasirian (Krom 1923 11:356). Kayu Taji was a patapan (TP 70) and Kukub a mandala (TP 90, 91, 94, 98, 99; Nag. 78:7a), both on or near Mt. Mahameru (Pigeaud 1924:222, 246), and considering Bujangga Manik's route probably on its southern or western side. This would mean that the religious centre of Kukub which plays a role in the Kidung Panji Margasmara (Robson 1979:309, 312) was located to the south rather than to the east of Singasari and not in the region of Mt. Hyang. Kasturi is listed as a mandala in Nag. 78:7b, and elsewhere occurs together with Kukub and Sagara as a group of three mandalas near Mt. Mahameru (Pigeaud 1924:33). The Sagara of this group might well be, then, the Sagara Dalëm of our text, which must have been located somewhere between Mt. Mahameru and Kagënëngan. The latter was a religious foundation (dhartna; Nag. 40, 73) not far south of Malang (Krom 1923 11:67). This Sagara (Dalëm) thus was a different mandala from the well-known Sagara on Mt. Hyang, which was visited by Hayam Wuruk (Nag. 32) and is mentioned also in the Batur inscription (Pigeaud 1960-1963 IV:412) and in the Tantu (TP 114-115).

The Palah Sanctuary
Between Mt. Kawi and Mt. Kampud (now: Këlud) Bujangga Manik passed Mt. Anar (11. 1049-1055), which is unknown as a name, but which reminds one of the Pararaten note stating that in A.D. 1376 hana gunung anar, "there was (or, came into being) a new mountain" (Par. 29:34). Since the Këlud mountain complex is highly volcanic, it is quite possible that a "new" mountain had come into being here and that it is this gunung Anar which is meant in the Pararaton note.

After arriving at Mt. Kampud, Bujangga Manik came to Rabut Pasajen, the hulu of Rabut Palah (11. 1055-1057). The latter is the original name of the largest temple complex of East Java, now known as Candi Panataran. Rabut Pasajen, judging from the meaning of its name, "sacred (rabut) place of offerings (saji)", was also a religious place. As the hulu (lit. "head") of the Palah sanctuary, it probably was its main residential or administrative centre, located higher up the mountain.

In a few lines our text gives an impressive description of the Palah sanctuary as the principal place of devotion for the Javanese in the kingdom of Majapahit. A continuous flow of people came here from the city or cities:

. . . Rabut Palah, : ... Rabut Palah,
kabuyutan Majapahit, : the sanctuary of Majapahit,
nu disëmbah ku na Jawa. : which is venerated by the Javanese.
Datang nu puja ngaficana, : There came people to worship, to offer[gold,
nu nëmbah hanteu pëgatna, : to pay homage, without interruption,
nu ngidëran ti nagara. : going everywhere, coming from the (11. 1057-1058, 1068-1070) [cities.

But from our text we learn that Palah, besides being a sanctuary and a centre of popular devotion, was also a centre of learning and study. Bujangga Manik's return to Rabut Palah after his earlier visit in his years of apprenticeship (1. 172) was not for the purpose of taking part in public worship there, but to increase his knowledge. He spent his time in Palah reading literary and legal works in the Javanese language (Aing bisa carek Jawa, "I knew the Javanese language", 1. 1063). Two titles are mentioned here (11. 1060-1061). One is Pandawa Jaya, which must refer to a Javanese version of the Mahabharata epic, possibly one of the Old Javanese Bharata Yuddha, related to the Malay Hikayat Përang Pandawa Jaya (van der Tuuk 1875). The second title mentioned, Darmaweya, is less easy to identify. Perhaps it stands for Dharmavidya, Skt. for "knowledge of law". It was at any rate concerned with matters of (sacred) law.

Our text even contains a suggestion of a discordance between the devotional and the spiritual aspects of the centre at Palah. Bujangga Manik did not stay here for much longer than a year, and left because
he could not stand the continual noise (hanteu bëtah kagëntëran) of the crowds of devotees (1. 1067).

Polaman, Kalangbret, Mts. Wilis and Lawu
Leaving Palah, he continued his journey in a southwesterly direction, coming past Walirang (unidentified), Polaman and Balitar (now: Blitar). Then he crossed the river Brantas and, after passing through three more places, arrived at Kalang Abrat (probably to be emended to Kalang Abrit [Jav. abrit "red"], at present called Kalangbret, which lies not far west of Tulungagung) (11. 1071-1079).

The name Polaman means "fish-pond" (Jav. ulam "fish"), but it also occurs as a toponym (there is a village by this name near Këndal, to the west of Sëmarang). In Nag. 17:5c a Polaman in Daha is mentioned as one of the principal places where the king went after visiting the Palah sanctuary. Daha here most likely refers to the district rather than the town of that name, since the latter would seem too distant from Palah. Quite possibly, therefore, this Polaman was the same place as that mentioned in our text.

None of the ten places to the south of Mts. Wilis and Lawu mentioned here can be identified with certainty. Pasugihan on the slopes of Mt. Wilis (11. 1080-1081) might be either Kësugihan on the western side of this mountain or Sugihan to the south of it, near the south coast. Dawu(h)an is quite a common toponym in Java; in Schoei 1931 some 25 villages by this name are listed, none of them lying to the south of Mt. Lawu, however (11. 1083-1084). Pamaguhan (1. 1093) might be Maguwan near Wonogiri, though the location. of this seems too far to the south. Roma is a place in Banyumas, far west of Yogyakarta, but in our text is mentioned just before Bujangga Manik crossed the river Wuluyu (now: river Solo) (11. 1097-1098).

Upon crossing this river he entered the lurah of Bobodo (1. 1099). There is some evidence that Bobodo (or Bobodo in Javanese) was once a name for the region coinciding approximately with the region of present-day Solo/Surakarta. De Graaf/Pigeaud (1974:208-211) have very plausibly connected the Bobodo of our text (referring to Noorduyn 1968:471) with one of the names of the legendary king Andayaningrat of Pëngging, who in folk-tales is also called Jaka Bodo, which then would not mean "the stupid young man" but "the young man from Bobodo". According to these legends he was the grandfather of the mid-16th century Sultan of Pajang, one of whose names was Jaka Tingkir, "the young man from Tingkir". Pëngging is a village not far west of Solo, and Tingkir one near Salatiga (cf. Schrieke 1957:407 about both places and the local legends).

Whether Bobodo can be identified
with this legendary kingdom of Pëngging is uncertain, however. The curious fragment published by Brandes (1889:381-405) as a "prototype of the Jayabaya predictions", and dated by him in the late 17th century, mentions Bobodo and seems to identify it with Pajang (which is located between Solo and Pëngging) where it states that after the fall of Dëmak ana ratu anggantyani ing lurah Bobodo inggih Sultan Pajang, "there was a king succeeding (him) in the district of Bobodo, that is the Sultan of Pajang" (Brandes 1889:383). The antiquity of this fragment, which according to Bandes is written in an Old Javanese variety of script, is corroborated in a remarkable way by its use of the term lurah (also in lurah Mëndang Kamulan) clearly in the sense of "region", in the same way as in our text. In a later version of these Jayabaya predictions, also published by Brandes in the same article, the term lurah is absent and Bobodo is shortened to Bodo, but the same identification is given in the statement ratune Bodo kukuta araning Pajang, "the king of Bodo resided in what was called Pajang" (Brandes 1889:410). Possibly Bobodo had been replaced by Pajang as the name for this region after the latter had again become the principal town in this area, as it had been at the time of Majapahit.

The Region to the South of Mt. Marapi
Bujangga Manik's journey next took him through the area to the south of Mt. Marapi (1. 1101), which up to the early tenth century belonged to the main part of the Hindu-Javanese kingdom, as is testified by the numerous archaeological and epigraphical remains from that time. It is hardly mentioned after that time, until the rise of Muslim Mataram in the 16th and 17th centuries. Nonetheless, though in the meantime it may have constituted a comparatively insignificant part of the Javanese realm, it would be rash to conclude that it was completely abandoned or even uninhabited. Our text gives clear evidence of habitation and even of residential continuity through some six centuries.

In the description of this part of the journey ten names of places, one of a district and three of rivers are given. These rivers are all of them identifiable and, since they all flow from north to south, whereas the direction of the journey is from east to west, the location of the places can be at least roughly identified by reference to these rivers.

They are Ci-Berang, Ci-Loh-Paraga and Ci-Watukura (11. 1109, 1113, 1117). The second is clearly the Praga or Progo (for Loh, cf. Old Jav. Iwah "river"). The next river to the west of it is at present called Bagawanta (Bogowonto), meaning "our reverend lord" (Skt. Old Jav. bhagawan "reverend"). Not f ar from its mouth the village of Watukura, however, is still to be found, as Poerbatjaraka (1933a:514-516) was the first to observe. It is an ancient place. King Balitung (c. 900) was Lord (rake) of Watukura, and according to Nag. 77:3a there was a Buddhist monastery here in the 14th century. Clearly the 15th-century name of the river was derived from that of this village. The name of the first river, situated to the east of the Progo and called Berang in our text, may be identified with the Bëdog, a tributary of the Progo, since both names mean "chopping-knife".

The places Bujangga Manik passed through up to the Berang are successively: Taji, Janawi, Wëdi, Singapura and Maram (11. 1100-1108). The third one of these must be the well-known village of Wëdi lying not far south of Klaten. This would imply that Taji cannot have been the village of that name near Prambanan, as De Graaf/Pigeaud (1974: 309) assumed, which was the eastern "toll-gate" on the road to the kraton of Mataram in the 17th century. Coming from the east one cannot reach this Taji before Wëdi, since the former lies to the west of the latter. Most probably the Taji of our text is the one situated not far southwest of Solo, near Wonosari and Delanggu. This is in agreement with the text, which states only in the next line that the journey went to the southern side of Mt. Marapi, and only after the next place, Janawi, that the route turned southwest. This also would imply that the river Solo had been crossed at a place not far south of present-day Solo, and that Janawi was located not far west of this Taji.

It is tempting, when dealing with the region to the south of Mt. Mërapi, to regard the rather unusual name "Maram" as a corruption of "Mataram", even though this would require the supposition of a second copyist's error in the same line, since this is regularly octosyllabic as it stands. In that case it could originally have read:

sadatang [a]ing ka Maram, "after I came to Mataram" (1. 1108), and one would have an interesting reference here to a town of historical importance, which was probably located not far southeast of day Yogyakarta, in the area where in the 17th century the successive kratons of the Muslim kings of Mataram were situated in the town which was then called "the royal capital town Mataram" (De Graaf 1956:204, 265). The name is known from the 8th century, when King Safijaya was Prince (rake) of Mataram, from the subsequent centuries, when the kraton was in bhümi Mataram, and from the 14th and 15th centuries, when several members of the royal house of Majapahit were Princes (bhatara) of Mataram.

A place called Singapura is no longer to be found in this region, but according to our text it must have existed somewhere between Wëdi and Ma(ta)ram. This was most likely the town from which the mid-15th century Princess of Sing(h)apura derived her title (Noorduyn 1978:211, 219, 224, 231). It also occurs in two early lOth century charters as the place of origin (wanua Singhapura watak Halu, "the village of Singhapura in the district of Halu") of three different officials. Both charters, Panggumulan A (A.D. 902) and Poh (A.D. 905), concern the foundation of freeholds in central Java, one of which, the freehold of Poh, was apparently located not far from Prambanan, near Randusari, where the copper plate containing the charter was found (Bosch 1926:42; Stutterheim 1940:5, 14; Damais 1970:540).

This is another piece of evidence of the continuity in the habitation of central Java through some six centuries. Af ter crossing the Berang (= Bëdog) Bujangga Manik entered the lurah of Paguhan, and before crossing the next river, the Progo, passed through Kahuripan and Rabut Beser (11. 1110-1113). The name
Paguhan reminds one of the members of the royal house of Majapahit who were Princes of Paguhan. It is not impossible that their title derived from the district mentioned in our text, even though there are
several villages called Paguwan in other parts of Java.

Between the rivers Progo and Watukura (= Bogowonto), Bujangga Manik passed through the places Pahit, Taal Pëgat and Kulisi, none of which are identifiable (11. 1114-1116).

To the Sagara Anakan and Pananjung
Af ter crossing the Watukura he came to Pakuwukan, now the village of Kuwukan on the western outskirts of Purwodadi on the Bogowonto, not far from the south coast. When he had passed through another eight places, he came to Tambangan ("ferry"), where he crossed the Ci-Lohku (11. 1118-1126). This is the river which is now called Lukulo, flowing through present-day Këbumen. Possibly its original name was Loh Kula.

Then follows a long stretch in which up to the Ci-Sarayu (now: Sërayu) only three names are mentioned (11. 1127-1131), viz. Mt. Sangkuan, which possibly is the Karang Bolong height, being the only mountain near the coast in this area, Dipala (now: Adipala), and Sawangan nëar the mouth of the Sarayu. Sawangan is a very common toponym and a village by this name lies higher up the Sërayu, but none near its mouth. The next name mentioned is Mandala Ayah, which must be the place Ayah, even though at present this lies much further to the east.

Then Bujangga Manik skirted along the hills and passed seven more places, among which Dona Kalicung (1. 1140) reminds one of the river Donan near Cilacap. After that he crossed the Sagaranak(an) (1. 1142), which is the large inland sea Sagara Anakan, closed off from the ocean by the island of Nusa Kambangan. On the other side of the Sagara Anakan, Bujangga Manik came to Bakur (unidentified) at the mouth of the Ci-Tanduyan (now: Ci- Tanduy) (11. 1146-1147). Then he came to Cimëdang (unidentified; a river of this name lies much further to the west), crossed the Ci- Kutrapinggan (now, and probably better: Ci-Putrapinggan, as it is also called on the Ciela map; cf. De Haan 1912:72) and arrived at Pananjung, alohgside the island (nusa) of Wuluheun (11. 1149-1152).

Pananjung is a village close to the better known Pangandaran, not f ar east of which the Ci-Putrapinggan discharges itself into the ocean. Both villages are situated near the entrance to the small peninsula, also called Pananjung (cf. tanjung "cape"), which at present is a nature reserve. Probably Wuluheun (wuluh, a kind of bamboo) is the former name of this peninsula, which is connected to the mainland by a low, narrow isthmus and perhaps formerly was a small island off the coast. Remarkably enough the name of this island is identical with that of one of the Siwaite religious domains listed in the Nagarakrtagama, viz. Wuluhën (Nag. 76:2c), the location of which is as yet unknown. The possibility of one or more of these Majapahit religious domains being located in far-off western Java has not yet been considered, but there seems to be no special reason for rejecting it.

Hujung Galuh, Gëgër Gadung, Saung Galah, and Mandala Puntang
Bujangga Manik next crossed the Ci-Wulan (now: Ci-Këmbulan, not far west of Pananjung; another river which is still called Ci-Wulan at present is situated much farther to the west) and came ashore (banat)
at the river mouth (muhara) of the Ci-Loh-alit near Pasukëtan (11. 1153-1155). This latter is the name of a small village just south of the district capital Cijulang near the estuary of the Ci-Julang, into which the small Ci-Alit also flows. The use of the word banat seems to suggest that the last part of the journey here was by sea, i.e. southward along the coast, although there is no apparent reason for not going overland.

From there, going in a southerly direction, past two unidentified mountains, Condong and Parasi, Bujangga Manik came to Hujung Galuh (11. 1158-1161). This is an interesting toponym as it points to the state or regency of Galuh, which is mentioned from the very, legendary, beginning of Sundanese history, lying in this outheastern part of the Sundanese area, while it also occurs in the second part of the Old Sundanese historical text Carita Parahyangan. Here the appointment is recorded of a Prëbu (regent) of Hujung Galuh by and under the Maharaja of Pakuan (unpublished; cf. Pleyte 1911: 172). Galuh was a region of approximately the same extent as the present-day regency of Ciamis (cf. De Haan 1912:68), lying roughly between the Ci-Tanduy in the east and the Ci-Mëdang in the west, and Hujung Galuh may have been its capital. Considering Bujangga Manik's route, it must have been located on or near the south coast, not far east of the Ci-Mëdang.

Next Bujangga Manik passed through Gëgër Gadung, after crossing the Ci-Wulan and proceeding in a northwesterly direction (11. 1162- 1164). In the Carita Parahyangan text mentioned above, Gëgër Gadung also occurs as the name of one of the regions to which a regent (in this case with the title Batara) was appointed by the Maharaja of Pakuan. In this text its western border is stated to be the river Ci- Langla [yang]. lts eastern border is not mentioned there, but must have coincided with the western border of Galunggung, the region mentioned just before â€" i.e. lying to the east of â€" Gëgër Gadung, that is, the river Ci-Wulan. Therefore this Gëgër Gadung is the same region as that which was known in the 17th century as Sela Gadung, lying between the rivers Ci-Langla and Ci-Wulan (De Haan 1912:109). The partial change of name can be explained by a change of meaning of the word gëgër, which now means, among other things, "mountain range", but in the Carita Parahyangan text is equated, in an explanation of the name Gëgër Gadung, with heuleut "(place) in between", which is the same as the meaning of sëla.

From there Bujangga Manik entered Saung Galah (11. 1165-1167). This was a region located to the north of Gëgër Gadung, as we are told in as many words in the above-mentioned Carita Parahyangan text. Therefore it may probably be identified with Saung Watang or Saung Gatang, which according to De Haan's data (1912:86) was a place close to Mangunrëdja on the southern bank of the Ci-Wulan, where this river flows west-east before turning south, that is, just north of the region identified above as Gëgër Gadung or Sëla Gadung.

Here again, then, we are confronted with a partial change of name, i.e. the replacement of galah by the near-synonym watang, both denoting some kind of pole. Apparently Bujangga Manik traversed- Saung Galah in a westerly direction, for after passing (Mt.) Galunggung, (Mt.?) Panggarangan, Pada Beunghar (unidentified, but also mentioned in the Carita Parahyangan text, as being situated on the southern border of Saung Galah) and two other places, he arrived at Mt. (Bukit) Cikuray, the big mountain south of the present-day town of Garut (11. 1168-1173). Panggarangan is or was probably the name of one of the lower peaks of the Galunggung mountain complex, since a river called Ci-Panggarangan rises immediately west of the main peak and, flowing southward, discharges itself into the Ci-Wulan.

Descending from Mt. Cikuray, Bujangga Manik reached Mandala Puntang and then ascended to the top of Mt. Papandayan (11. 1174- 1176). According to the Carita Parahyangan text, Mandala Puntang was a region bounded on the north by Mts. Kalahedong (now: Kaledong) and Hanuman (i.e. Haruman), on the east by the river Ci-Harus (another name of the Ci-Manük?), and on the west by Pakujang (Mt. Guntur?) and Mt. Mandalawangi. It therefore roughly coincided with the plain of Leles, north of Garut, though probably extending somewhat further to the south.

From Mt. Papandayan, Bujangga Manik proceeded to Mt. Së(m)bung, which is explained as the source (hulu) of the Ci-Tarum (11. 1280-1281), and therefore must be one of the secondary peaks of Mt. Malabar. From there he went first in a northwesterly direction (1. 1330) and then westward (1. 1338), passing several ountains, places and regions and crossing a number of rivers, among which only the Ci-Hea and the Ci-Sokan (11. 1344-1345) have preserved their names, until he finally reached Eronan and Bukit Ageung (11. 1349, 1351), that is, the area near the Puncak pass, where he entered the region of Pakuan, from which he had started hls long journey.

While in the above our attention has been focused on the topographical details in the description of Bujangga Manik's journeys through Java, this excercise in historical topography has at the same time brought to light some facts of a more general nature.

The circumstance that these topographical data are not presented in our text as isolated details, but are linked together in a progressive sequence as points of an itinerary, has given them an added dimension indispensable for their identification on the map of Java. This identification in turn has established that the routes described existed as such and were known in Java in the 15th century, in a similar way as the system of interregional roads in 17th- and 18th-century Java has been described by van Milaan (1942) and Schrieke (1957: 105-111) on the basis of contemporaneous sources. The difference is that Bujangga Manik, travelling alone and for his own special purposes, may have used not only the common interregional roads for parts of his journeys, but also occasionally by-roads leading to the religious communities he wished to visit, so that the topographical data presented by the author may not always reflect the main road system existing at his time.

The special purpose of his journeys may also provide part of the answer to the obvious question of why these seemingly tedious lists of names were considered important enough to be included in a work of literature in poetical form, and to be read and copied. For precisely the great length and detailedness of these opographical lists testify that they form an essential element of the story. They may have been intended as a guide for any reader wishing to follow the example of the hero of the story by visiting the religious centres in central and eastern Java, such as the Palah sanctuary. The absence of almost all additional information regarding the places and regions mentioned suggests that the key aspect is the route as a means of reaching its ultimate destination. But seeing that even the religious communities in several cases are not explicitly indicated as such in the text, it seems that more is involved.

Bujangga Manik, the learned ascetic, who had renounced the world and its affairs, is presented in the story as someone who travelled through Java as though through a country devoid of people, like a genuine travelling recluse. Though the many places mentioned imply the presence of numerous inhabitants, in the story he hardly ever meets other people and barely speaks to anyone. A characteristic scène, taking place when he has just set out on his first journey, is related as follows:

Seok na janma nu narek : People called to him:
"Tohaan nu dek ka mana? : "Where are you going, my Lord?
Mana sinarieun teuing : Why are you so unusually
teka leu(m)pang sosorangan? : " walking all alone?"
Ditana ha(n)teu dek naur. : Thus questioned he did not want to (11.38-41) [speak.

Devotion to asceticism meant the renunciation of the world to the highest possible degree, including the seclusion of oneself from other people whenever possible, even when travelling through the world. This seems to be the tacit message implied by the descriptions of Bujangga Manik's journeys. As such it is a message directed to the special readership for which the author must have intended his story, those people who sympathized with its hero and wanted to follow his example â€" the members of the Sundanese communities of religious ascetics and their disciples. In this sense our story belongs to the category of religious literature and must have emanated from a religious community, even though it contains hardly any direct lessons on special religious topics, and in this way clearly differs from wellknown Javanese stories of travelling mystics.

Another general point concerns the political and cultural situation of 15th-century Java. Although our text is not a historical one in the accepted sense of the term, it is set in the real world of Java in the author's time and quite unintentionally informs us that, for instance, Majapahit as the Javanese state not only encompassed eastern Java but also included the whole of central Java up to the Sundanese area â€" which did not belong to it. This central part of Java, about which nothing is known from other sources from this time, clearly was as densely popuiated as the other parts. The whole of the island could apparently be travelled without any predictable difficulties. Religious life continued in its old established way over practically the entire island, and the centres of religious learning in central and eastern Java were still able to attract attention from outlying regions such as the Sundanese one. In these respects our text fully confirms the conclusions which have been drawn earlier (Noorduyn 1978:255-256; Robson 1979:317-318) from various other sources about the still flourishing politica! "and cultural situation of Majapahit in the 15th century.

1 I am much indebted to Dr. B. Nothofer for his assistance in identifying some places in north and south central Java when visiting these regions.

2 If this Old Sundanese form of the name reflects a one-time Javanese pronunciation, and Dihyang changed to Dieng via Diheng, it is evidence for the relative order of two sound changes in the history of Javanese, as it would show that the change of -ya into -e (following a consonant) was earlier than the loss of -h-.

3 The name of this mountain is explained by Gonda (1973:345) as deriving from Skt. sundara "beautiful", which seems less likely in view of its earlier form Susundara, which was explained by Kern (1889:289) as susu-n-rara "maidenbreast".

4 The reading umalung, given by Cohen Stuart first as alternative reading for damalung (1872:279) and three years later as the only one (1875:36), and which was recently quoted by De Casparis (1975:96), must be regarded as incorrect, since the first character of this word is exactly the same as the one immediately preceding it (the da of hadi) and clearly different from the
initial u of the next word, wip (cf. De Casparis 1975, Plate X). The same reading umalung in the Kuti inscription, immediately following "Marapi" (Cohen Stuart 1875:9, Inscr. II plaat 8b) is correct as such, but must be considered as a scribal error for damalung in this unauthentic copper-plate copy. The characters for da and u are indeed very similar, so that they were often
confused, as was remarked by Poerbatjaraka (1933b: 16) with reference to the Damalung/Umalung case. Krom's opinion on the subject was already published by Rouffaer (1918:149) on the basis of a personal communication, in which Krom referred to Brandes 1913:266.

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